Monthly Archives: August 2011

Analyzing Two Obama Administration Job Creation Ideas

stimulus tax credit, tax break, save, spend

 

By John Stang

As I wrote yesterday, the Obama administration cannot propose a straight jobs programs whereby the government orders many public sector projects for immediate work.  Even a balanced budget stimulus is being booed by conservatives.  Instead, the administration must utilize mechanisms to “encourage” job creation in the private sector. There are two ways they want to do this.  First is to extend the payroll tax cut though next year.  The idea here is to reduce the amount of taxes taken out of an employees paycheck (social security, Medicare, Medicaid, etc.).  In theory, this makes it cheaper to higher works.  However, former Reagan and Bush economic adviser Bruce Bartlett says this will not work:

First, the tax cut only helps those with jobs. While many have low wages and undoubtedly are spending all their additional cash flow, those with the greatest need and most likely to spend any additional income are the unemployed.

Second, the payroll tax cut helps many workers who have no need for it and will only pocket the tax savings.

Third, economic theory and the experience with tax rebates in 2001 and 2008 tell us that people are strongly inclined to save temporary increases in income. People only increase their spending when they perceive an increase in their permanent income.

Fourth, even if one assumes that the cost of employment has declined and employers can somehow  capture some of the payroll tax cut, there’s little sign that labor costs are the principal factor holding back hiring.

The second proposal that the administration is thinking about is creating a job training program to help workers receive skills necessary to get a job.  This solves the “structural problem” for why people cannot get jobs.  It makes sense, the federal government pays for a potential employeeable person to receive job training so they get a job afterwards.  There are several problems with this.  First, as Paul Krugman has noted, employers are not hiring because they are cash strapped, not because there is an unqualified field.  Second, that still requires massive amounts of federal aid, which congress is no mood to give.  Finally, all the programs tried like this that the Obama administration likes are on the state level.  The federal government could mandate state governments set up job training programs.  It would be like the healthcare bill and, again, many Republican governors would fight the Obama administration every step of the way.  These state programs are also subjected to budget cuts writes Suzy Khimm:

Many states that have adopted such programs began building them up well before the recession began, drawing on both federal and state dollars. In 2006, Pennsylvania started “Industry Partnerships,” which have worked with 6,300 businesses to train more than 90,000 workers, who saw their wages rise by 6.62 percent on average after completing the program. Pennsylvania’s initiative has received strong support from industry leaders as well, who lobbied hard to turn the program into law this year.

But even programs with bipartisan support and industry backing have fallen victim to budget cuts. In Pennsylvania, state legislators zeroed out Industry Partnerships’ funding for training during this year’s budget fight. When federal funding dropped by 39 percent for Michigan’s  “No Worker Left Behind” job training program during the recession, state officials were forced to make huge any cuts to the initiative, which already had a waiting list.

More importantly, both extending the payroll tax cut and creating a job training program would take a long time to see results.  In a world where voters want to see jobs now, time is the biggest enemy of the Obama administration.

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What Happens When Assad Goes?

By Luke Brinker

The horrific carnage wrought by President Bashar al-Assad’s Syrian regime since the beginning of mass demonstrations in March leaves no doubt as to the ruthlessness of that nation’s current rulers. The largely Sunni protest movement shows no signs of being fazed, though, confronting Assad’s minority Alawite government from strongholds like Homs and Dara’a.

While the West has united around the position that it’s time for Assad to step aside – and even erstwhile Syrian ally Turkey looks like it’s coming around to that position – members of minority sects, including Alawites and Christians, fear what will happen if the current government goes. With the nation’s Sunni majority in power, will religious minorities face persecution unknown over the past four decades of Baathist rule?

Anthony Shadid’s forthcoming piece on Syria’s uprising in The New York Times Magazine offers clues as to why some minorities are so afraid:

Abdullah represents what the government insists it is fighting. He is a Salafist, an adherent to a puritanical Islam, though he disavows the term. To him, Salafists bear arms, and he understands that the moment he and others fire a bullet in Homs or anywhere else, the regime will have the justification it covets to crush them with even more force. But there was no question of his devotion to a state that adheres to Islam as its foundation, and he dismissed the comparatively liberal rhetoric of some Islamic activists, like the Muslim Brotherhood. “They want to satisfy the West, and they don’t want to satisfy Muslims,” he told me the next morning. “They say, ‘We’re a modern Islam.’ But there’s no such thing as modern Islam. There’s Islam, and there’s secularism.”

We debated the imposition of religious law and whether Christians and Muslims could intermarry. For the first time since I met him, Abdullah grew angry at me, when I suggested that no Christian or Alawite would subscribe to his vision of the state he would build in the wake of the revolution. He quickly cooled, aware that he shouldn’t show his emotions. At one point, he even suggested that however he might feel, however draconian he believed religious law should be, he was still a minority in the opposition.

As much as the activists here talk of unity in the face of government oppression, I often felt as I did in Iraq in those early months after the American invasion in 2003. The more people denied their differences, the more apparent they became. For Iyad, Abdullah and others, there was deep anger at Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite movement that has baldly supported the Syrian regime. That anger had spilled into chauvinism against Shiite Muslims, intensifying the hostility they already felt for Alawites. They understood the importance of nonviolence, but even Abdullah admitted that if Assad fell, sectarian vendettas would erupt in the countryside. One of the young men warned darkly that events “were headed toward violence.”

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Does the Supercommittee have a Superman?

By John Stang

It was revealed yesterday that the new congressional Supercommittee that was formed out of the deal to raise the debt ceiling has a new hero.  His name is Mark Prater.   He came to Washington in 1990 to work for Senator Bob Packwood (R – Ore), the former head of the Senate Finance Committee.  He has negotiated deals with tax cuts and tax increases.   Both parties seem to give him the nod of approval because of his strong work ethic and vast knowledge of tax policy.  Here are two articles you can read to learn more about this new Superman:

About Mark Prater

Why he has bipartisan support?

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The Liberal Fantasy Job Speech Obama Should Give

By John Stang

Most liberal bloggers are accepting the fact that the president is in a bind.  Another round of stimulus spending is needed to get the economy moving again, although Obama’s political capital is definitely dimished and GOP opposition will be great.  Most likely, the president will recommend extending the payroll tax cut, extending unemployment benefits, recommend a program to fix structural unemployment problems, and throw in some more tax cuts.  Needless to say, his liberal base will probably hate that speech, but they recognize that is all he do.  Matt Yglesias at Think Progress writes:

But precisely the reaction you’ll get to anyinstitutionally feasible stimulus at this point is that it’s a poorly targeted, inefficient desperation move. And in a sense, that’s true. The best time to get this right was back in 2009 when the White House had a much stronger hand.

I agree with Yglesias analysis, the stimulus was poorly structured and had little job creation measures.  Much of it was tax cuts and aid for states.  Saying that though would admit defeat for the administration and getting a policy do-over is not what the American people want to hear.  Another approach is to just stick it to the GOP and go for any progressive job creation measures anyway.  Eugene Robinson at the Washington Post cheerleads this position:

So Obama should go big, not small, with his jobs plan. It is hard to overstate how apprehensive most Americans are about the future. Boldness from the president may or may not get the nation’s mojo working again. Timidity surely won’t.

Republican leaders in the House of Representatives would immediately declare any such ambitious program dead on arrival. The president should welcome their opposition — and campaign vigorously against it. He can offer voters a choice between a pinched, miserly vision of the country’s prospects on the one hand and an optimistic, expansive view on the other. He needs to demand what’s right, not what the other side is willing to give.

Jonathan Chait at New Republic gives another reason for Obama to just go for the gold:

The liberal dialogue about stimulus is almost a perfect parallel to the way conservatives talked about Social Security privatization in 2005. The idea was unpopular, and Democrats in the Senate were determined to block it. Conservatives, though, couldn’t acknowledge this. They kept insisting that President Bush push harder, give more speeches, pressure Senate Democrats to give in. Conservatives kept saying this was vital — we had to privatize Social Security or all would be lost, defeat was not an option.

This is not an argument for — to use the popular epithet — “fatalism.” Obama has options. He can do his best to frame the debate so as to clarify that Republicans are blocking popular economic recovery measures, like the payroll tax cut and perhaps some infrastructure projects. Conceivably if he wins reelection, and the democrats make huge gains in the House, republicans will rethink their approach and open themselves up to some kind of compromise in 2013. In the meantime, I see no point in blinding oneself to reality.

Liberals want the president to just stick it to the Republicans because whatever Obama proposes, the GOP will probably hate it anyway.  The Republican leadership is already lining up against extending the payroll tax cut.  The president sees being a centrist as being the best solution for himself politically, which might be true at this moment.  But several months from now, whether or not the president took a moderate position will mean little unless the jobs numbers get better.   My calculation is that if the president is going to face opposition from the congressional Republicans anyway, since they see a window politically and think he is wrong ideologically, then he might as well face opposition by channeling his inner progressive and fire up his base at the same time.  If the GOP already thinks he’s radical socialist/communist already, then no position he takes will change that.  He might as well take on the problem with his own party’s solutions.

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Epic Memorials That Should Be Built

By John Stang

After seeing the newly minted MLK Memorial in Washington D.C., Slate’s David Weigel had some ideas for other memorials that need to be erected:

The Barack H. Obama National Monument – A series of unfinished train tracks that lead up to an unfinished statue of the man himself, apparently in the middle of a speech. It costs an estimated $150 billion to build; attendance is mandatory for all American citizens.

The Glenn Beck National Monument – Exactly like MLK’s, but twice as large, and constantly on fire. Two days after opening, it closes to the public and is replaced by five smaller monuments.

The Ron Paul National Shrine – An exact replica of the FDR memorial, except that everything has been crushed by enormous hunks of gold.

The Dick Cheney National Monument -- Statues of Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell, John Edwards, and Saddam Hussein in various stages of Dante-esque torment, under a plaque that reads “We Should Have Listened.”

The Mitt Romney National Reflecting Pool – Visitors look into it and see whatever they want to see.

The Ayn Rand National Memorial – Vistors walk into a 120-story skyscraper made completely out of high-tech metal and take an elevator up to see a 50-foot sculpture composed of pieces from other monuments. Why? Because the people honored by those other monuments were pathetic and weak.

I would add two others.  The first would be of John McCain, like the Iwa Jima Memorial, although he would be point at several kids and telling them to get off his lawn.  The second would be of George W. Bush looking for WMD’s under his desk.  Not to degrade the importance of other monuments,  but a few ironic or funny ones would also be nice!

Suggest your own in the comments section.

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