Monthly Archives: December 2011

Ron Paul and the Distrust of Institutions

By John Stang

Both Luke and I have been pretty hard on Ron Paul over the last few weeks.  I think what both of us have tried to stress, despite our criticism, is that Ron Paul might have ideas that are admired by one side or the, such as limiting U.S. engagement abroad and limiting government intrusion into the personal lives of individuals.  However, there are also ugly parts to Paul’s candidacy, the conspiracy theories, subtle forms of racism and homophobia, and holding the mantle as a “libertarian” when much of his ideology has strong conservative elements (i.e. his ideas about abortion).

Ron Paul and his followers have a strong distrust of institutions, both national and international.  The video clip from the 2008 debates reflects that, which to my knowledge his positions have not change.  The conspiracy theories that come from the federal reserve, the U.N., and the Council on Foreign Relations all reflect this distrust.  To someone who does not follow politics 24 hours a day or does not monitor these organizations closely, getting them to buy into blaming these institutions as the scapegoat for all the world’s problems is not difficult, even if the idea does seem scary.  For instance, this is the level of trust of the U.N.

Trend: Is the United Nations Doing a Good Job or a Poor Job of Solving Problems It Has Had to Face?

Yes, there is a contradiction between saying “the U.N. does a poor job” and “the U.N. is evolving into a one world government.”  Nevermind that fact.   Both these criticisms seem valid to someone who has a distrust of the institution.  If anything, the U.N., has little autonomy and is controlled by the interest of nation states. It also is not well funded and does not coordinate well between missions.  Plus, most of the U.N.’s resolutions, especially for the General Assembly, are legally nonbinding.  This is only evident if you look closely at the institution instead of just seeing it as this dark, ominious force that could grab power at anytime.  The U.N. couldn’t take away your guns, even if it wanted to.

The same is true for the Federal Reserve, another favorite target of Ron Paul.  The institution only seems mysterious because most people don’t follow it closely and is not controlled by the federal government.  The solution that Paul advocates is a thorough audit of the federal reserve by congress or abolish it completely.  A few problems exist with this solution.  First, having an independent central bank allows for interest rates to be set without political ambitions getting in the way.  Second, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke testifies before congress all the time and all its documents are available online.  Finally, the Federal Reserve could broadcast its meetings on C-Span, but who would watch it.  Let’s face it, setting monetary policy is pretty boring.  Plus, markets react pretty harshly to anything the Federal Reserve chairman says.  Hence, why he did not start holding press conferences until this year.

I bring up both these examples to show that the fear people of these large institutions is overblown, if examined under the microscope.   However, the distrust of large institutions is all too real and if 2011 has shown us anything, it’s that people are really starting to question institutions.  The Arab Spring, the Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, the protests in Russia, and Americans Elect are all examples of grassroots movements trying to break the mold of old and bring it back to the people.  As Felix Salmon of Reuters wrote:

Most fundamentally, what I’m seeing as I look around the world is a massive decrease of trust in the institutions of government. Where those institutions are oppressive and totalitarian, the ability of popular uprisings to bring them down is a joyous and welcome sight. But on the other side of the coin, when I look at rioters in England, I see a huge middle finger being waved at basic norms of lawfulness and civilized society, and an enthusiastic embrace of “going on the rob” as some kind of hugely enjoyable participation sport. The glue holding society together is dissolving, whether it’s made of fear or whether it’s made of enlightened self-interest.

If viewed through this lens, the new massive support for Ron Paul makes a lot more sense.  Paul is challenging the norms of institutional thinking and people have a hunger for that.  As evidence from 2011, that distrust is not a bad thing, but understanding the actual relative power of these institutions is helpful first.

More on Ron Paul:

Luke’s 

- Part I and II questioning why liberals support Ron Paul

- Ron Paul’s foreign policy is not that liberal

- Ron Paul’s conspiracy theories

John’s

- Why Ron Paul attracts a cult following?

- Ron Paul’s states’ rights argument is problematic and how it excuses problems, like racism

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More on Liberals for Ron Paul

By Luke Brinker

In an earlier post, I took liberals to task for ignoring Ron Paul’s reactionary views on social and economic issues while seeing his anti-war views as sufficient reason to laud his presence in the race. A recent Twitter debate between Dylan Matthews and Glenn Greenwald provides opportunity for further discussion of the relationship between Paul and liberals.

Matthews set off the exchange by tweeting “Man, white people sure do love explaining why Paul being a huge racist shouldn’t be disqualifying” in response to a pro-Paul post from Greenwald. “ Man, white people sure do love explaining why Obama’s prosecution of a racist Drug War shouldn’t be disqualifying,” Greenwald replied. Greenwald finds further fault with Obama’s drone campaign, which he described as “constantly killing Muslim children.”

I suppose it would be good and proper form to first note that I largely agree with Greenwald’s eloquent critiques of the War on Drugs, which is most certainly racist in its effects (the disproportionate incarceration of racial minorities). Moreover, Greenwald has been at the forefront of the anti-drone effort, raising crucial questions about both the efficacy and morality of the administration’s stealth drone operations in Yemen, Somalia, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. That said, likening the expression of racist hatred in Paul’s newsletters to misguided Obama administration policies is ludicrous. I find the cavalier use of drones and the continued prosecution of the disastrous drug war to be foolish and immoral, but I do not believe they are motivated by personal racism on the part of Obama and his administration. Paul’s newsletters, on the other hand, show racial animosity of the most blatant variety.

Matthews’s point, then, is salient. It’s easy for a white liberal who has never experienced racial discrimination to lavish praise on certain Paul positions. That most of those white liberals are affluent individuals who will not suffer as a result of Paul’s proposals to end the social safety net must also make the Texas congressman more palatable to his progressive fans. But their allegiance to this unsavory figure raises serious questions about their commitment to principles beyond the end to war and drug prohibition.

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Ron Paul’s Paranoid Style

By Luke Brinker

Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul continues to distance himself from bigoted, conspiracy-minded newsletters released under his name until the mid-1990s, but in an appearance in Sioux Center, Iowa, yesterday, he spouted much the same rhetoric as can be found in the newsletters.

As Talking Points Memo reports, Paul accused the United Nations of planning to seize Americans’ property, echoing theanti-globalist conspiracy theories published in Paul’s newsletters dating back to 1978:

If you want to use your property, you have to get a lot of permits. If you’re in the development business, from the low-level all the way to the top, you have to get permission from the federal government…I’m fearful because some people would like us to go all the way to the UN and have the UN controlling our lands, too.

Paul didn’t stop there. Months before anti-government extremist Timothy McVeigh bombed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Paul’s Survival Report warned that government encroachment on Americans’ rights would inevitably spark violence. In Sioux Center speech yesterday, Paul sounded a similar note:

Freedom has been tested just rather rarely in all of history. In most of history, 90-99 percent of the time, people have had to live under dictatorships. And as our government gets bigger, and violates our civil liberties with laws like the Patriot Act that invade our privacy they become more dictatorial. … We are losing those liberties.

Our system was the greatest and I fear that we’re going to give it up. And as it’s given up, if we don’t deal with these problems, I am afraid that there will be more violence. People will get angry because they’re not going to get what they believe they have a right to. So if you’ve been providing for something else that other people are providing they get angry.

We already see this in Europe, we already see some of it in our own streets where people get angry and upset, where people get angry and upset and if we don’t understand these issues to change the policy it’s going to get a lot worse and then there will be chaos and people will be even more willing to give up their liberties.

There’s also reason to believe that Paul subscribes to 9/11 conspiracy theories. When confronted by a 9/11 truther, Paul did not refute her belief that the US government was complicit in the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. Paul’s response was essentially that he was too busy promoting other crank theories, and that he was afraid of courting controversy:

Perhaps this level of conspiracy-mindedness is to be expected from a proud John Bircher.  It was John Birch Society founder Joseph Welch who accused Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower of being a “dedicated agent of the international communist conspiracy.” To be fair, libertarian journalist Conor Friedersdorf notes, Paul’s conspiracy thinking is hardly foreign to the American right. (Birtherism, creeping shariah, and stealth Obama socialism, anyone?) Richard Hofstadter’s seminal The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains the definitive source for understanding the far right’s proclivity for conspiracy theorizing. For an especially illuminating study of the origins of conspiracy thinking in American history, read Gordon S. Wood’s “Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style: Causality and Deceit in the Eighteenth Century” (JSTOR subscription required). Wood argues that Enlightenment-era ideas about human agency led the nation’s founders – hardly a lunatic fringe – to identify human designs as responsible for even the most complex social and political phenomena. Wood and Hofstadter demonstrate that while Paul’s theories may be quite marginal, his general cast of mind is not original.

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End of 2011

By John Stang

See you in 2012! Now for a look at the world in 2011 through the eyes of a corporate internet machine:

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All Politics is Local, So Campaign That Way

By John Stang

Former Speaker of the House Tip O’Neil once lamented, in a phrase that is now ever-so-cliche, “All politics is local.”  This occurs on two levels.  First, every congressional race happens in a local district and every candidate must campaign on local issues affecting that area.   Of course, congressional candidates do tie it to the national picture too.  The second way this occurs is by electing state governments that  not only create policy on the local level, but often implement policy prescribed by Washington.  This strategy is one that the right has utilized in order to push its own agenda on abortion, labor unions, and large budget cuts.

On abortion for example, Sarah Kliff at the Washington Post notes that this year was the most restrictive in abortions on the state level:

As the above chart from the Guttmacher Institute shows, 2011 marked a sea change for abortion rights. States passed 83 laws restricting access to abortion, nearly four times the 23 laws passed in 2010. A lot of that had to do with the 2010 elections, which ushered in a wave of Republican legislators and governors. This year, the number of states with fully anti-abortion governments — in which both the governor and the legislature oppose abortion rights — increased from 10 to 15.

That cleared the way for new restrictions. Five states banned all abortions after 20 weeks of gestation; until last year, only Nebraska had such a restriction. Seven now require an ultrasound, or the offer of one, prior to the procedure. Eight will no longer allow private insurance plans to cover the procedure. A handful of states are, to this day, battling the Obama administration over whether they can bar abortion providers, such as Planned Parenthood, from receiving government funds, even for the non-abortion services they provide.

Or to put that in a graph:

All this comes from the state level.  There was even a ballot initiative in Mississippi, which failed, to have life begin at conception.  We also saw strong labor regulation in Wisconsin, Florida, and Ohio from Republican governors and GOP controlled state houses.  On illegal immigration, states like Arizona and Alabama implemented “show your papers please” laws whenever one could be suspected of being an illegal immigrant.  Local Tea Party groups also tried to stop urban planning projects, especially those that could impose the evil (or harmless) U.N. Agenda 21 for helping the environment.

Although, the left should not get discouraged.  Some Occupy Wall Street groups worked to take action by occupying school board meetings and helping small business.  On social issues, New York would legalize gay marriage and California would see a legalize marijuana initiative put on its election day ballot last year, even though it did not pass.  The point is that state and local governments are the heart of where policy is made and grassroots organization can have the biggest impact on that level.

This could be a very important way for President Obama to re-energize his base.  Campaigning in swing states, such as Florida and Ohio, on convincing people that GOP controlled state government is imposing a radical agenda, if he’s talking to a liberal crowd, that will hurt the state.  Therefore, not only talk about the national conversation, but bring it home by saying how it begins at the local level.  Maybe find a few key state initiatives to throw his weight behind, strong liberal initiatives that will help bring out his Democratic base and energize grassroots movements.  By doing this, he can support Occupy Wall Street, or other grassroots movements, without actually associating himself politically.  After all, what is the purpose of grassroots campaigns if not to get people talking about or getting people to take action on critical state and local issues.  Karl Rove was able to help President Bush win against John Kerry in 2004 by supporting gay marriage bans in several key swing states.  This brought out the Evangelical Christian base of the Republican Party.  Referendums to repeal union busting laws, supporting new infrastructure projects, promoting gay marriage, legalizing marijuana, or any other topics that bring out the base are all ideas the president can support locally.  If Republicans campaign and govern that way, why can’t Democrats?

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