Monthly Archives: February 2012

Being the Anti-Christ is Not New

The Economist argues:

Today it is all culture war, all the time, but not in the way anyone envisioned there. It’s not the issues that define culture war now; it’s culture war that defines the issues. As Newt Gingrich spoke today at a rally in suburban Atlanta, supporters held up signs with a gas pump, and “$2.50/Newt” on it, a reference to Mr Gingrich’s promise to reduce the price of gas to that level under his administration. And why are gas prices so high now? Because Mr Obama’s “secretary of anti-energy”, as Mr Gingrich called Steven Chu, wants us to pay European prices. Why? Well, it has something to do with Mr Obama bowing to Saudi kings and apologising for soldiers who burned Korans and “following a foreign policy trapped in various international interests and biases.” Mr Gingrich’s support of vigorous drilling for oil and gas was met with rousing cheers. And who knows: perhaps we ought to allow more drilling for oil and gas. Perhaps it really is worth the environmental costs.

But that’s not really what the audience was cheering for, nor was it what Mr Gingrich was really talking about. Support for oil and gas exploration is American, period. Opposing it is European. Just like the argument over Obamacare is not really a debate over how to ensure that as many Americans as possible have access to affordable and at least adequate health care. Obamacare is “European socialism”; opposing it is American. Anything less than a full-throated war against Iran is appeasement, as is negotiating with the Taliban; never mind how America will pay for a war with Iran, or what its consequences will be, or whether Mr Gingrich’s stated goal of leaving Afghanistan and leaving it safe could be furthered by finding some common ground with the Taliban. Outside America it is Europe in 1939; in Washington it’s Haight-Asbury in 1968. To quibble over policy is to side with the enemy.

While I agree with the sentiments and I don’t think everything (or anything for that matter), the president does is “unAmerican” or an assault on the American culture, the Economist acts like this is a new strategy.  It’s called a narrative and a grand strategy.  Every presidential candidate has one.  It’s a way to make the American public understand understand complex policy debates and put them into five second sound bites.  Tying culture to policy ideas has been apart of the American political lexicon for generations.

To take recent history, remember “Restoring Integrity to the White House,” basically George W. Bush’s strategy that he would never get a certain “job” in the Oval Office or be part of a culture that ruins the moral fabric of America.  Jimmy Carter promised that he “Would Not Lie to You,” portraying himself as not one of the crooked Nixon-Washington insiders that got involved in such activities as “ratfucking” elections (look it up).  During the Bush years, Democrats were insistent on taking down the Republican agenda of Christianizing the entire world through the Neocon nation building strategy and anti-science public policies.   The list can go on for pages.

In fact, culture wars appear to be what we as a nation do best.  Is it dangerous to draw your political foe as the anti-Christ who stands against everything you despise in life?  Probably.  Certainly, it does not help advance the conversation in any way or end our current polarization.  But “Frankly my dear, I don’t give a damn” because both sides revel in it and it’s not going away anytime soon.

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Rick Santorum and Other GOP Abortion Flip-Floppers

By Luke Brinker

Rick Santorum, the arch-conservative former Pennsylvania senator and GOP presidential hopeful, has earned a reputation as a hard-line culture warrior. Not only does Santorum oppose abortion even in cases of rape and incest, he also inveighs against “the dangers of contraception.” But Santorum hasn’t always been such a down-the-line social conservative.

This week, the Huffington Post dug up a statement from 1995 in which Santorum confessed to having previously been a pro-choice Republican. The revelation puts Santorum in an awkward position, given that he’s portraying rival Mitt Romney, a former pro-choicer himself, as an inconsistent and insincere social conservative. That the two leading contenders for the GOP presidential nomination used to support abortion rights is instructive: even some of the most stridently anti-abortion Republican politicians have histories of endorsing a woman’s right to choose.

Ronald Reagan, a secular saint among conservatives and renowned in pro-life circles for his authorship of Abortion and the Conscience of a Nation, signed the Therapeutic Abortion Act as California governor in 1967, six years prior to the Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision. With the ascendance of the Religious Right in the 1970s, Reagan switched to a staunchly anti-abortion posture. Reagan’s vice president, George H. W. Bush, entered politics in the 1960s as a vocal supporter of Planned Parenthood. Prior to joining Reagan’s ticket in the summer of 1980, Bush maintained a pro-choice stance on abortion.

Contemporary examples of pro-choice-turned-pro-life Republicans include former Minnesota Gov. and presidential candidate Tim Pawlenty, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, and Kansas Gov. Sam Brownback (whose failed 2008 presidential campaign centered on the abortion issue). Perhaps these men underwent sincere conversions to the anti-abortion cause, but it’s not insignificant that their flip-flops dovetailed with the position of the preponderance of the Republican base. (To be fair, Bill Clinton, Al Gore, Richard Gephardt, Jesse Jackson, and Ted Kennedy are but a few Democratic politicians who switched from anti-abortion to pro-choice positions at some point in their political careers.) The last pro-choicer to win the Republican presidential nomination was Gerald Ford, in 1976 (and even Ford equivocated on the issue during that campaign; he only became more forthright in his pro-choice views well after his political career ended). Rudy Giuliani valiantly tried and spectacularly failed to secure the GOP nomination as a pro-choice moderate in 2008. Republicans with national ambitions have, no doubt, taken heed of Giuliani’s example (and that of Arlen Specter in 1996 and George H. W. Bush in 1980 before him). Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval, one of the GOP’s rising stars, is currently pro-choice. If he aims for higher office someday, don’t be surprised if he abandons his current position.

Republicans’ storied history of abortion flip-flops makes Romney look fairly typical in his position switch on the issue. Of course, what makes Romney stand out isn’t just that he’s changed his position on abortion; he’s also been on various sides in debates over climate change, gay rights, gun control, the Reagan presidency, Afghanistan, taxes, and more. But considering that social issues lie at the heart of his main challenger’s campaign, it’s unclear whether former pro-choicer Rick Santorum is social conservatives’ optimal messenger to take Romney on.

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The “Ecosocpolitical” Sphere

By John Stang

When trying to cut the deficit in some way, that obviously requires trying to change some form of entrenched social policy for which a constituency exists.  In Europe and the U.S., this is the case.  Matt Yglesias writes about Europe:

Whether you agree with Kierkegaard about that or not, this once again highlights thecentral dilmma of the “independent” central bank. Kierkegaard is a writer and a policy analyst. He pushes for labor market reforms by trying to convince people that they’re a good idea. Thorning-Schmidt is a politician, she pushes for labor market reforms (or not) by campaigning and winning elections and securing votes in parliament. But Draghi is a central banker. His job is supposed to be to provide macroeconomic stability—low unemployment and non-accelerating inflation. But he’s got views on these matters every bit as much as Thorning-Schmidt or Kierkegaard or myself. But he actually has the power to make Kierkegaard’s version of the old saw about the Chinese characters for danger and opportunity into a reality. By tweaking the speed and alacrity with which he responds to short-term demand-side growth issues, he can mightily influence the course of long-term structural policymaking. Elected officials in Italy and Spain don’t have the tools to stabilize the Spanish and Italian macroeconomies over the short term. But they do have the tools to implement long-term structural reforms that Draghi either likes or dislikes, and Draghi has the power to dispense short-term stabilization in accordance with his estimation of the merit of Spanish and Italian long-term policies. In effect, he and his colleagues are running the whole show while simultaneously being accountable to almost nobody.

To put it simply, whether on a central banking or political level, someone will make a decision that impacts a social situation of someone else, which is how economic policy operates.  Except, central bankers can have an impact on interest rates while politicians can control social policy, such as labor reforms.  Both are critical, but the latter takes more staying power than the other because the latter is accountable to a voting public.  On the American side, David Brooks discusses the tax code and its implications for social policy:

The U.S. does not have a significantly smaller welfare state than the European nations. We’re just better at hiding it. The Europeans provide welfare provisions through direct government payments. We do it through the back door via tax breaks. For example, in Europe, governments offer health care directly. In the U.S., we give employers a gigantic tax exemption to do the same thing. European governments offer public childcare. In the U.S., we have child tax credits. In Europe, governments subsidize favored industries. We do the same thing by providing special tax deductions and exemptions for everybody from ethanol producers to Nascar track owners.

By trying to change the tax code, or simplifying it, by eliminating loopcauses and carve-outs, that offsets specific incentives for people to have children, buy a house, or even purchase economic necessities for the good of the country, like green technology.  Not to say trading it for a welfare state wouldn’t be a bad thing, but the perception of eliminating some sort of tax credit does have a small psychological affect.

The point is that economic policy, an obvious point, is complicated because every choice not only has an economic consequence, but also changes a human behavior and sways public opinion.  Think of it as one “ecosocpolitical” sphere.  That’s why the tax code can’t be simplified so easily or we are not on our way to a single payer health care system.

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Islam, Religious Intolerance, and the Left

By Luke Brinker

For four days, Afghanistan has been convulsed by deadly protests  over the accidental incineration of several Korans at a NATO air base on Monday night. At least seven people died in protests in Herat, and an Afghan soldier, indignant at the Koran burning, killed two NATO soldiers in eastern Afghanistan. The violent reaction to the Koran burning episode raises important issues of religious intolerance and how it is discussed in polite American circles.

The New York Times editorial board, seeking to sound a note of moderation and reason, wrote, “The behavior of the American soldiers was shockingly insensitive. And while Afghans’ anger is understandable, there can be no justification for violent rampages.” The Afghan anger is “understandable” in the sense that the Koran, viewed by Muslims as the direct word of Allah, is revered and sanctified by Muslims to a far greater extent than the Bible is by Christians or the Torah is by Jews. There is nothing wrong with seeking to comprehend the sources of Muslim rage. It is remarkable,  however, that many to the left of center do not subject Islam to the same level of critical scrutiny as they do Christianity.

Rick Santorum, whose firebrand social conservatism has its roots in orthodox Catholic theology, is regularly – and justifiably – ridiculed for his archaic views on contraception, women in the military, gay rights, and secular public education. By contrast, liberals rarely take Muslims to account for their hostility to women, Jews, Christians, atheists, gays, and the secular state.

For the past week, Palestinian prisoner Khader Adnan, a member of the terrorist group Islamic Jihad, was a cause celebre for the international left. Adnan went on a 66-day hunger strike to protest his detention without charge by Israeli authorities; he ended his fast when an Israeli high court judge ordered his release in April if prosecutors have not charged Adnan by then. Many left-liberal commentators, including Peter Beinart, emphasized the injustice of Israeli detention policies while acknowledging that Adnan was no saint. But debatable as the Israelis’ detention of Adnan without charge may be, is it too much to ask that the media devote some measure of attention to Adnan’s activities in Islamic Jihad, his actual beliefs, and whether Adnan renounces violence against the Jewish state?

Adnan’s case – and his status as a symbol of the persecuted Palestinians – is telling. There is a decidedly illiberal strain of thought on the left holding that it is permissible to tolerate intolerance, provided that the perpetrators of intolerance are widely seen as “victims” – of Western imperialism, the Israeli occupation, capitalism, or some other such malady. This fetishization of victimhood conveniently ignores the worldviews of the alleged victims. For instance, while many Israeli policies toward Arabs are at odds with liberal democratic principles, is it not pertinent to ask whether, in a Palestinian state, Arabs would afford Jews the same rights that Arab citizens of Israel enjoy? Is it not relevant to note that in Afghanistan, where angry mobs are railing against NATO for the accidental if insensitive burning of Korans, conversion to Christianity is a capital crime? We are not discussing a clash between culturally insensitive bigots and oppressed advocates of equality and toleration. How do American liberals, with their support for abortion rights, gay marriage, and secularism, think they would fare in conservative Muslim societies?

For too long, concern about fundamentalist Islam has been monopolized by the American right. But liberals, who theoretically support social toleration and political equality, could be formidable, credible critics of extremist Islam. Paul Berman, author of The Flight of the Intellectuals, is one such critic. Many liberals may be fearful of taking on Islam for fear of appearing bigoted, or out of a desire to avoid association with Shariah alarmists like Santorum and Newt Gingrich. On this score, I can think of no better response than the concluding words of Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Infidel. Some argue, Hirsi Ali writes, that “criticism of Islam is … too painful for Muslims to bear.” But Hirsi Ali, herself the victim of an attempted forced marriage and of the fundamentalist mindset that oppresses women in Islamic societies, asks, “Tell me, how much more painful is it to be these women, trapped in that cage?”

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Apology to Readers

By John Stang

I have been posting a little less these last few weeks because I have been swamped with work.  Currently, I’m working on two major research papers at the moment, which sucks up a lot of my time.  Posts will probably remain a little less frequent until spring break in about a week.  My goal is to get one or two of mine up every week, but that is not always possible.  Luke will be posting some, his schedule is different from mine, and I will be posting as often as I can.  Soon, things will be back up to its regular speed, for me at least!

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