Category Archives: Middle East

Egypt’s Economic Revolution?

By John Stang

Matthew Yglesias explains at Slate’s Moneybox how the real test to the revolution will be the economic reforms implemented by the new party in power:

 The big thing to do today is to freak out over the social and geopolitical ramifications of strong electoral success for Islamist parties in Egypt. One point that tends to get lost in the shuffle of foreign policy commentary is that the fall of Mubarak and the Arab Spring in North Africa are substantially driven by economics. An authoritarian regime that delivers steadily rising living standards for the bulk of the population is going to find it relatively easy to silence dissident intellectuals and political activist. A regime that can’t deliver the goods is vulnerable to mass protests. To give a broad overview of Egypt’s problems, the countries of the developing world are now falling into roughly three groups. First, you have India and China who are driving global economic growth and whose rising middle classes and need for production inputs are increasing global demand for all kinds of primary commodities. Second, you have countries — including much of Africa and Latin America — who are growing rapidly by exporting primary commodities at new higher prices. Third, you have countries that aren’t commodity exporters and that are growing slower than China/India so average people’s incomes can’t keep up with rising commodity prices. This is a dynamic I’ve called fall-behind immiseration and the biggest problem facing any new order in Egypt will be dealing with it, rather than with the various kinds of questions Americans are likely to be more interested in.

So rather than necessarily worrying about whether the big bad Muslim Brotherhood is going to implement shariah in Egypt, it might be more appropriate to be talking about how the parties plan to address income inequality.  It makes sense.  Most revolutions happen because of economic disparities.  The extreme parties tend to promise that one vision of society, such as radical Marxism or Islamism, that will alleviate those problems with a quick fix.  Since people like a nice narrative, they will trust those parties. This explains how extremist viewpoints are better at commanding revolutionary activity rather than moderate voices.

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ASEAN For the Middle East – Through Disney!

Leon Hadar writes that if you look at the links between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Middle East:

The ASEAN, on the other hand, is based on “mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity, and national identity of all nations,” “the right of every State to lead its national existence free from external interference, subversion or coercion” and the principle of “non-interference in the internal affairs of one another.”

Indeed, the ASEAN members have not been brought together by common ideology—or religion or culture, for that matter—but by the recognition of their mutual economic and political interests. It is a mosaic of various political systems and old and new civilizations in various stages of economic development: The most populated Muslim country and an evolving democracy under the influence of the military (Indonesia) and a constitutional monarchy and messy democracy where the primary religion is Buddhism (Thailand); A harsh military dictatorship (Myanmar), a communist-ruled state (Vietnam) and a former U.S. dependency (the Phillippines); Booming economic success stories (Singapore; Malaysia) and struggling developing countries (Cambodia; Laos).

Which reminds us very much of the existing Middle Eastern mosaic of monarchies (Saudi Arabia; Jordan; Morocco), military regimes with socialist systems (Egypt; Algeria) and democracies with free-market economies (Israel; Turkey); of multi-sectarian states (Iraq; Lebanon) and states with large minorities (Israel; Turkey; Morocco; Algeria); of Arab and non-Arab states and entities (Turkey; Iran; Israel; Kurds; Berbers) and large concentrations of non-Muslims (Maronites; Copts; Assyrians; Israeli Jews).

After all these years, someone has discovered that a link can exist that has always been there.  It’s like this:

Joking aside, Hadar thinks this idea of several countries with extremely different histories can be like ASEAN:

Consider now the idea of applying the ASEAN model to a strategic part of the Middle East—the Fertile Crescent or the Levant. Notwithstanding the current divisions between Israelis, Palestinians, Syrians, Jordanians and Iraqis, the governments of Southwest Asia—not unlike the members of the ASEAN—share mutual geopolitical and economic interests.

It goes without saying that the formation of a free-trade zone in the area, one that would make it possible to utilize its large and educated middle class and to combine Israel’s high-tech industry, Lebanon’s financial center and Iraq’s energy resources—not to mention large Diaspora communities—and traditional ties to the EU and the oil-producing states in the Gulf, could transform it into a global economic powerhouse.

Moreover, the potential members of the Association of Southwest Nations (ASWAN) have an interest in maintaining friendly relationships while containing possible challenges from the three rising regional powers—Turkey, Iran and Egypt—an interest they share with the U.S. and the EU as well as with Saudi Arabia. An ASWAN system will also provide a regional system to help co-opt the Shiites in Iraq and Lebanon and provide a broader response to Palestinian and Kurdish aspirations.

Right, Hadar forgets that ASEAN did not start out as an economic union at all.  Instead, it was actually a security union.  It became an economic union later.  He also does not mention that ASEAN was plagued with multiple problems in the late 1990s, a little Asian financial crisis that became hard to solve due to bad economic planning by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and no single monetary or fiscal strategy, causing protectionism.  To put it simply, ASEAN tried to form over time with great difficulty and it had limited economic powers because of it.  ASEAN still has trouble being an economic union today.

I find this idea to be intriguing, if you can get passed the Arab Spring.  Some leaders will want to keep power while new democracies flourish, causing tensions.  Can Syria, Yemen, or Libya enter?  The Arab League shows the politics of this being difficult to keep members in and out. With politics so fluid in the Middle East this could be very hard to construct.  Right now, it’s a bit of a Disney fantasy.

Do you think the Middle East could form its own economic union like ASEAN? 

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T-Paw’s Hard Edged Foreign Policy

Tim Pawlenty is pictured. | AP Photo

While the rest of the country was focused on Michele Bachmann’s latest jump in the polls, Tim Pawlenty gave a speech at the Council on Foreign Relations about his foreign policy stances.  I was disappointed that it only covered the Arab Spring and not other topics, a good U.S./China relations discussion or North Korea debate is always refreshing.  It was the typical rhetoric you expect from a GOP nominee.  He used the word “freedom” so many times Ronald Reagan would have an orgasm.

His big focus was on helping those who are protesting and seek freedom.  I have no objection to that.  If there is a way to help protesters to exert change, outside of regime change or picking the party we want to get in power, than I am all for it.  However, Pawlenty’s speech is just unrealistic.  It always sounds to good to imply that you would never work with regimes hostile to freedom, but you have to at some point.  In fact, if you want to look out of the states interest, which is what the realist platform advocates, then you must negotiate to not stand in the way of those interests.

The other big problem is his, quite frankly stupid, statement about Israel/Palestine not being key to region.  Tell that to Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan or any other country/party that has been marred by wars and problems from this conflict in the last 60 years.  The peace process has nothing to with the “Arab Spring,” but it does have to do with anger towards the U.S. for supporting Israel at every turn.  By the way those settlements he and Sarah Palin always blow off are the reason a resolution can’t be found to the conflict. He did not mention Yemen, Pakistan, or Afghanistan.  Hearing his views on the secret drone wars in Yemen and Pakistan would provide a context for the U.S.’s role as a global policeman.

In the end, Pawlenty is appealing to the old fashion Cold Warriors and the Bush interventionists who are still believers in these absolutist policies.  I am not sure what value that has in 2012 election where that type of talk is hated on both sides.  Nevertheless, he does see an opening, and he plans to grab it.  It also gives him a chance to knock other GOP contenders who are running towards a more “stay out of the way” methodology.  Pawlenty certainly hit the field pretty hard with his remarks.  My point is that it makes a good campaign speech, but its bad practical policy and so far removed from real policy making that it almost becomes a joke.

Photo Credit: Politico

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Filed under Arab Spring, foreign aid, independent internationalist, Israel/Palestine, Middle East, Tim Pawlenty

No One Was Pleased But Him

U.S. President Barack Obama speaks about the war in Afghanistan during a televised address from the East Room of the White House in Washington June 22, 2011. - U.S. President Barack Obama speaks about the war in Afghanistan during a televised address from the East Room of the White House in Washington June 22, 2011.

I think the president gave a pretty strong performance in his Afghanistan speech.  He did not stumble, and he projected strong language.  Still, his plan was typical Obama.  He wants to draw down slowly with an increment of 10,000 troops first and bring the rest of the surge troops home by next July.  2014 will be the final withdrawal date, not surprising because NATO made commitments until 2014, and we are NATO.

In the end, Afghanistan is not a winnable situation.  President Hamid Karzai is corrupt, Pakistan is an unreliable ally, it is impossible to eliminate all Al-Qaeda’s presence, and reports show that aid to the country is a failure, with all that the deck is stacked against the administration.  Added onto the war weariness (56% of the public wants to leave) and parts of both political factions calling for withdrawal, the president is trapped.  The slow withdrawal is just delaying the inevitable.  There was a time when the slow decrease in troops was politically the best option, but now it just appears to be a cop out.

Tonight, the president gave the speech everyone thought he would give.  The problem, nobody wanted that speech.  The dream for both sides was for the president to call for immediate withdrawal of all troops and shift towards a secret counter terrorism strategy, similar to Yemen or Pakistan, than continuing the counter-insurgency strategy, which requires nation building.  I’m not even convinced that speech would please the right, who would hate the speech no matter what.  It was a night to please no one except himself and for that I say “Mission Accomplished.”

Photo Credit: Globe and Mail

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Filed under Afghanistan, foreign aid, independent internationalist, Middle East, Obama, Pakistan

Independent Internationalist Radio Show on Location

The topics on this are old, but I discuss my trip from India.  With computer trouble, I could not upload it earlier. I also talk about Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Obama’s Middle East policy.  Next time, I will do some editing and add music!

http://www.divshare.com/flash/playlist?myId=15110102-8b5

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Filed under foreign policy, IMF, independent internationalist, India, Middle East, Obama, radio show