Tag Archives: history

Wilsonian Rather Than Nixonian

The New Republic despises the comparison of Obama to Richard Nixon:

Take the Nixon comparison. On the one hand, it’s true that in both administrations, the IRS engaged in outrageous political targeting. But it’s a hard to see a parallel. Yes, people from a hostile political camp were systematically scrutinized. But where Nixon’s political operation was intimately involved in targeted audits and other Watergate-era skullduggery, Obama’s IRS issues took place in the bowels of the bureaucracy, where workers focused special scrutiny on the portion of the political spectrum that featured most of the fundraising innovation between 2009 and 2012.

Instead, Woodrow Wilson is a more apt comparison:

It’s Woodrow Wilson. An enthusiastic supporter of Espionage Act prosecutions, the progressive, detached, technocratic Wilson was so convinced of his own virtue that he was willing to jail the Socialist candidate for President, Eugene V. Debs for his mild criticism of the war, even as he championed progressive reforms such as the Federal Reserve and the Federal Trade Commission, both of them designed with the help of his economic advisor, Louis Brandeis.

Wilson had a sorry record on civil liberties, and once Brandeis was on the Supreme Court, he eloquently criticized the Wilson administration for its betrayal of progressive values such as free speech and transparency, declaring that “sunlight is the best disinfectant,” and unforgettably extolling the necessity of protecting political dissent.

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Was George W. Bush a Good President?

The George W. Bush Presidential Library and Museum, on the campus of Southern Methodist University in Texas, will soon be open to the public to reflect on the legacy of Bush 43.  With this monumental exhibition opening, journalists, bloggers, and historians began to weigh in on Bush’s presidency.  As Dave Weigel pointed out, the Republican Party is still divided on how to talk the issue (if you want evidence of that just watch how all the GOP candidates avoided mentioning Bush’s name, like Voldemort).  If you ask most Republicans and conservatives, they will probably say that they liked the guy and agreed with most of his policies, even if not all their outcome turned out as planned.  Most Democrats and liberals will probably say that the Bush years were a disaster and a black mark on the historical record.

Fair enough.  Every person is entitled to their opinion.  As a liberal, I had numerous problems with Bush’s policies: the careless, unilateral invasion of Iraq, the civil liberty violations of the Patriot Act, the cut backs in stem cell research, and the TARP bailouts.  I could go on.  Of course, I feel this way because I have a different political persuasion than the Bush team.  It would be shocking for me to say that a Republican presidency was great, since they have different ideological goals than I do.

The point I want to make from this is that evaluating a presidential legacy, especially in the modern era, cannot be completely separated from the partisan glasses in which we see the world.  Several bloggers, Dylan Matthews and Matthew Yglesias most notably have set this framework for viewing Bush’s successes and failures (both are left-of-center) from purely statistical means.  So you can look at a chart and determine whether one policy worked over another.

While I have nothing against data analysis, it is important to note that politics is so much more than that.  I’m a history major, and I like political history.  In every presidential biography or political narrative, the events tell the story and the reader comes away with a sense of what a person did or did not do correctly during their tenure in office.  There aren’t always charts and graphs to back up your claims.  Even how I tell the story and the impacts that follow will matter.  For instance, if I were to write about the Iraq War, I could make some fancy charts talking about GDP in Iraq before and after the war or about the number of homes with or with electricity to prove nation-building did or did not work.  Those charts will never tell me about the personal story behind the Iraqis who suffered through the War, the infrastructure decimated by the aerial bombings, or even the story of Iraqis who got to vote for the first time in 2005.  Notice how I tell that story and the words that I use matter.  History is more complicated than a few numbers on a pie chart and the legacy of a president can’t be determined by just a set of data points.

Was Bush a good president?  By my own partisan judgement, I don’t think he was.  However, that narrative, depending on who writes it could change.

Update: Yglesias does get more narrative based with this post.

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Check Out My New Blog!

I love blogging about politics and trying to bring perspective to the issues.  I’m also very interested in different forms of blogging.  So, I’ve decided to start working on a blog about my latest research project.  For the summer of 2012, I am researching late 19th Century Volga-German immigration to the Midwest, especially to Kansas.  The blog is called “The Challenges to Volga-German Historical Memory.”  I will be blogging there for much of the summer, since this project is going to take up much of my time.  This new blog will give a glimpse into the research process and talk about historical criticism.  I also feel this is another avenue historians can use to discuss their research in a blog format.  Basically, it’s an experiment, and I want to see what happens.  I will continue to blog here about politics and current events periodically if something tickles my fancy that I want to talk about, so don’t worry!  I hope you continue to look at both as I slowly attempt to build a media empire one URL at a time.

New blog address: volgagermanmemory.blogspot.com (I’m too cheap right now to pay for a real URL).

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Michele Bachmann’s Greatest Hits

By Luke Brinker

In an uncharacteristic bow to reality, Rep. Michele Bachmann ended her quest for the White House today, after finishing sixth in last night’s Iowa caucuses.

I can think of no better tribute to the Minnesota congresswoman than a compilation of some of her more notorious moments on the campaign trail. Here, in video form, are some of Bachmann’s greatest hits.

On working for the IRS: In August, the fiercely anti-tax Bachmann explained her employment history with the IRS by stating citing the dictum that “the first rule of war is ‘know your enemy.’”

On vaccinations and retardation: Following a September debate in which she took Texas Gov. Rick Perry to task for ordering Texas schoolgirls to receive the vaccination against HPV, Bachmann told the Today show about a supporter who approached her with the information that the vaccination made her daughter retarded.

On Revolutionary War history: In a speech in Concord, New Hampshire, Bachmann erroneously identified the state as the location of Lexington and Concord.

On the founding fathers and slavery: Like any good Tea Party member, Bachmann extols the virtues of the nation’s founders. Her affinity for them is so great that she incorrectly claimed this year that they were committed to ending slavery.

On the need for McCarthyism: Shortly before the 2008 election, Bachmann rose to prominence by calling for an investigation of anti-Americanism among members of Congress.

 

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Gingrich as a Shoddy Historian Ctd.

By John Stang

Luke posted earlier about Newt Gingrich’s problematic lessons from history or even having correct historical facts.  Since Newt Gingrich has a doctorate, many have wondered about his doctoral dissertation.  He published one at Tulane University in 1971.  The topic?  Turns out Gingrich wrote about Belgian colonial education policy in the Congo.  Congo expert Adam Hochschild analyzed the piece:

A curious document it is — but not in ways that Mr. Gingrich’s enemies might hope for, since the dissertation is not filled with racism or drum-beating for colonialism’s glories. At the start he asks, “Did the colonial powers perform a painful but positive function in disrupting traditional society and so paving the way for more rapid modernization? Even if they did, was the price of colonial exploitation too high?” Good questions, but he never answers them. Instead, he surveys his subject in a highly pedantic way, dutifully covering rural and urban schools, church and state schools, white and black schools, Protestant and Catholic schools, and education for men and for women. Footnotes, statistics and quotes from eminent authorities abound. The writer who emerges from the text is not the fire-breathing, slash-and-burn partisan attacker Mr. Gingrich’s critics portrayed from his time as House speaker, nor the profound, big-picture thinker Mr. Gingrich the candidate presents himself as. It’s the desk-bound policy wonk.

Also notes:

Beyond education, Mr. Gingrich has a shrewd politician’s sense of how the colonial system worked. Power was held by a “triumvirate”: an all-white senior civil service, a powerful cartel of corporations and the Catholic Church. The first wanted power, the second profits, the third converts. Could this astute description reflect a hitherto unknown radical phase in Newt’s youth?

Alas, no: his beef is not that there might be anything immoral about one country’s owning and exploiting another, but that the Belgians didn’t create a class of Congolese who could keep the economy functioning efficiently — for whose profit, he never asks. “The Belgians get very low marks for their efforts to develop a political elite and much of the country’s post-independence chaos is due to this Belgian failure.”

Surprisingly, or maybe not, Gingrich never traveled to the Congo for any field research, as a good historian might do.  Other than that, his dissertation seems pretty bland and not surprising.  Then again, no one expected Gingrich to come out and be an Afrocentrist.  In a sense, Gingrich was not entirely wrong.  There was not an effective government set up when the Belgians left the Congo in 1960, which they understood. There were also ethnic splits to complicate matters more.  As a result, a civil war broke out and one of the longest U.N. peacekeeping missions (often termed the U.N.’s Vietnam) ran through the late 1960s. It would have been more correct for Gingrich to assert that the whole colonial system relied on governing elites to run the country, creating inequality and authoritarian leadership.  Of course, Gingrich did not, but no one in African studies really made that point in academia in the 1970s.

Beyond looking at Gingrich’s dissertation, it is important to understand Gingrich’s purpose as “the historian.”  The lens with which he looks at history is a conservative one.  For him, the structures of the U.S. were set in place long ago by the founders and repairing what the founders originally put together will unravel the whole system.  Unlike a normal, academic historian that sees history with a critical eye to link together events, the Tea Party and conservative look on history with reverence rather than finding truth.

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