Tag Archives: Islam

Islam, Religious Intolerance, and the Left

By Luke Brinker

For four days, Afghanistan has been convulsed by deadly protests  over the accidental incineration of several Korans at a NATO air base on Monday night. At least seven people died in protests in Herat, and an Afghan soldier, indignant at the Koran burning, killed two NATO soldiers in eastern Afghanistan. The violent reaction to the Koran burning episode raises important issues of religious intolerance and how it is discussed in polite American circles.

The New York Times editorial board, seeking to sound a note of moderation and reason, wrote, “The behavior of the American soldiers was shockingly insensitive. And while Afghans’ anger is understandable, there can be no justification for violent rampages.” The Afghan anger is “understandable” in the sense that the Koran, viewed by Muslims as the direct word of Allah, is revered and sanctified by Muslims to a far greater extent than the Bible is by Christians or the Torah is by Jews. There is nothing wrong with seeking to comprehend the sources of Muslim rage. It is remarkable,  however, that many to the left of center do not subject Islam to the same level of critical scrutiny as they do Christianity.

Rick Santorum, whose firebrand social conservatism has its roots in orthodox Catholic theology, is regularly – and justifiably – ridiculed for his archaic views on contraception, women in the military, gay rights, and secular public education. By contrast, liberals rarely take Muslims to account for their hostility to women, Jews, Christians, atheists, gays, and the secular state.

For the past week, Palestinian prisoner Khader Adnan, a member of the terrorist group Islamic Jihad, was a cause celebre for the international left. Adnan went on a 66-day hunger strike to protest his detention without charge by Israeli authorities; he ended his fast when an Israeli high court judge ordered his release in April if prosecutors have not charged Adnan by then. Many left-liberal commentators, including Peter Beinart, emphasized the injustice of Israeli detention policies while acknowledging that Adnan was no saint. But debatable as the Israelis’ detention of Adnan without charge may be, is it too much to ask that the media devote some measure of attention to Adnan’s activities in Islamic Jihad, his actual beliefs, and whether Adnan renounces violence against the Jewish state?

Adnan’s case – and his status as a symbol of the persecuted Palestinians – is telling. There is a decidedly illiberal strain of thought on the left holding that it is permissible to tolerate intolerance, provided that the perpetrators of intolerance are widely seen as “victims” – of Western imperialism, the Israeli occupation, capitalism, or some other such malady. This fetishization of victimhood conveniently ignores the worldviews of the alleged victims. For instance, while many Israeli policies toward Arabs are at odds with liberal democratic principles, is it not pertinent to ask whether, in a Palestinian state, Arabs would afford Jews the same rights that Arab citizens of Israel enjoy? Is it not relevant to note that in Afghanistan, where angry mobs are railing against NATO for the accidental if insensitive burning of Korans, conversion to Christianity is a capital crime? We are not discussing a clash between culturally insensitive bigots and oppressed advocates of equality and toleration. How do American liberals, with their support for abortion rights, gay marriage, and secularism, think they would fare in conservative Muslim societies?

For too long, concern about fundamentalist Islam has been monopolized by the American right. But liberals, who theoretically support social toleration and political equality, could be formidable, credible critics of extremist Islam. Paul Berman, author of The Flight of the Intellectuals, is one such critic. Many liberals may be fearful of taking on Islam for fear of appearing bigoted, or out of a desire to avoid association with Shariah alarmists like Santorum and Newt Gingrich. On this score, I can think of no better response than the concluding words of Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Infidel. Some argue, Hirsi Ali writes, that “criticism of Islam is … too painful for Muslims to bear.” But Hirsi Ali, herself the victim of an attempted forced marriage and of the fundamentalist mindset that oppresses women in Islamic societies, asks, “Tell me, how much more painful is it to be these women, trapped in that cage?”

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Dissecting the GOP Candidates Foreign Policy Positions

Eli Lake at the New Republic has a piece that tackles the individual foreign policy views of the GOP presidential candidates.  There are four main positions.  First, is the Michele Bachmann and Herman Cain strain of the Tea Party.  This group staunchly defends U.S. allies at any cost and find the protests in the Middle East to be not helpful for U.S. interests because  they could have a connection with Al-Qaeda networks or the Muslim Brotherhood.  They also are entrenched in a belief that Shariah is the greatest threat to the American legal system.  Bachmann’s views on Egypt and Libya best summarize this:

Bachmann’s connection to the Team B II Report—and her conviction that sharia law is a threat to the United States—helps explain some of the key places that she splits from the neoconservatives. To most neocons, the Arab Spring was good news, because it meant the potential spread of democracy in the Muslim world. But the Team B II crowd was pessimistic. “Ever since 2003, when the thrust of the War On Terror stopped being the defeat of America’s enemies and decisively shifted to nation-building, we have insisted—against history, law, language, and logic—that Islamic culture is perfectly compatible with and hospitable to Western-style democracy,” McCarthy has written. “It is not, it never has been, and it never will be.”

Such ideas almost certainly explain why Bachmann showed little interest in backing the Arab protesters earlier this year. Many neocons attacked President Obama for not doing enough to support the protesters in Egypt, but Bachmann criticized the president from the opposite side. “He wasn’t perfect, but [former Egyptian President Hosni] Mubarak was one of the best friends that we had in the Middle East region,” she said in a speech in April. “When Mubarak was in trouble, where was the president? He was sitting on his hands and let Mubarak fall.”

Bachmann carved out a similar position on Libya. The neocons largely lined up behind theintervention, but Bachmann, like Gaffney and McCarthy, disagreed. She warned that the Libyans whom Obama was defending could in fact be enemies of the United States. “One thing the American people need to know is that we did not know—nor did the intelligence community know—who the opposition is,” she said on NBC’s “The Today Show” during the early days of the Libya campaign. “There are flickers of Al Qaeda. We don’t know how much Al Qaeda is involved in the opposition forces.” Recently, Bachmann voted for a resolution sponsored by Dennis Kucinich calling for an end to the Libyan intervention.

The next strain of thought in the Republican field is the neoconservative view held by President George W. Bush.  Mitt Romney, Rick Santorum, and, to some extent when he was in the race, Tim Pawlenty hold these views.  According to the neoconservative worldview, democracy is possible in every country if the right group is supported.  Regime change could also be necessary to achieve these ends.  While Santorum is considered closer to a supporter of Bush’s policies, Romney falters a little depending on the mood:

Of all the Republican candidates that year, Romney was the one the White House should have been most worried about. Then as now, his views on world affairs were ill-defined. At its best, this can mean open-mindedness in the Romney campaign. For instance, in August 2007, Romney invited national security expert Michael O’Hanlon to brief him. O’Hanlon was both a Democrat (albeit a hawkish one) and, at the time, an adviser to Hillary Clinton’s campaign. “I was gratified I was invited,” O’Hanlon recalls. “I thought it was a serious approach by the Romney campaign to get different points of view.” O’Hanlon briefed a group of about ten or twelve people. “I liked the way they worked together,” he says. “Governor Romney was content not to be the alpha dog in the meeting.”

But, while such open-mindedness is an admirable thing, people also want to know that presidential candidates have strong convictions on the most important issues. And, with Romney and Iraq, it wasn’t always clear whether he did. His camp in 2007 was divided. One of Romney’s top foreign policy advisers, Mitchell Reiss—a longtime American diplomat who served as the head of policy planning at the State Department in the second half of Powell’s tenure—was a surge skeptic. But Dan Senor—an unofficial member of Romney’s inner circle who had served as a senior adviser and spokesman for the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq—was a surge supporter, according to sources familiar with the 2008 Romney campaign. In the end, the surge forces won, and Romney never publicly questioned the policy. And, beyond the surge, Romney seemed content to take pages from Bush’s playbook on transforming the Muslim world. The neocons, after all, were the establishment—and Romney was the establishment candidate.

But, sometimes, it was possible to catch a public glimpse from Romney of what sounded like hesitation about the neoconservative worldview. At a debate in September 2007, Romney was asked about Iraq. He gave a rather measured answer in which he said that the surge was “apparently working”—two words that quickly drew a response from McCain. “Governor, the surge is working,” McCain admonished. “The surge is working, sir. It is working.” “That’s just what I said,” Romney replied. But McCain would have none of it. “No, not apparently,” McCain continued. “It’s working.”

Another group to enter the race is the thinking of Rick Perry.  Perry looks at foreign policy from a business perspective, what works best for the nation and his state.  Lake says it’s similar to Dick Cheney’s views at Haliburton, where he wanted the sanctions lifted against Iran to get a profit before he entered the executive branch and switched to a Iran hawk.  One particular example involving Venezuela’s nationalized oil company and a Chinese telecommunications firm illustrates Perry’s views:

In 2004, Perry enticed Citgo—owned by the Venezuelan government, no friend of the United States—to expand refineries in Corpus Christi and move its corporate headquarters to Houston by putting together a grant and low-interest loan package worth $35 million. Perry also sought to persuade the Chinese telecom giant Huawei to expand its North American headquarters in Texas. Last year, the intelligence community quietly pressed Sprint not to use Huawei components in building a national 4G network, fearing the company’s close ties to the People’s Liberation Army would effectively give the Chinese government a listening post in every cell tower of the new wireless network. On August 18, eight Republican senators sent a letter to Obama administration officials warning that the deal could undermine national security. Sprint eventually complied. But, on October 1 of last year, Perry attended a ribbon-cutting ceremony at the company’s new headquarters in Plano, Texas. “Huawei has a strong, worldwide reputation as an innovator of quality telecommunications technology, with facilities spread across the globe,” Perry proclaimed.

The last set of views, one that Lake does not talk about at length, is those of Ron Paul.  Paul is called a neoisolationsist and thinks these wars are wasteful and wants to cut off foreign aid to save money.  Paul has traction with many libertarians in the Republican Party and some liberals who see foreign intervention, especially in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya, as wasteful.  Needless to say, that does not make him popular with the neoconservatives or realists in the GOP crowd.

In the end, the election will most likely come down to the economy and not foreign policy.  The reason it should be highlighted is that the GOP is not united on these topics.  If foreign policy started to become the central focus, events in the world are very fluid, there could be an internal war in the Republican presidential field.

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