Tag Archives: the left

Islam, Religious Intolerance, and the Left

By Luke Brinker

For four days, Afghanistan has been convulsed by deadly protests  over the accidental incineration of several Korans at a NATO air base on Monday night. At least seven people died in protests in Herat, and an Afghan soldier, indignant at the Koran burning, killed two NATO soldiers in eastern Afghanistan. The violent reaction to the Koran burning episode raises important issues of religious intolerance and how it is discussed in polite American circles.

The New York Times editorial board, seeking to sound a note of moderation and reason, wrote, “The behavior of the American soldiers was shockingly insensitive. And while Afghans’ anger is understandable, there can be no justification for violent rampages.” The Afghan anger is “understandable” in the sense that the Koran, viewed by Muslims as the direct word of Allah, is revered and sanctified by Muslims to a far greater extent than the Bible is by Christians or the Torah is by Jews. There is nothing wrong with seeking to comprehend the sources of Muslim rage. It is remarkable,  however, that many to the left of center do not subject Islam to the same level of critical scrutiny as they do Christianity.

Rick Santorum, whose firebrand social conservatism has its roots in orthodox Catholic theology, is regularly – and justifiably – ridiculed for his archaic views on contraception, women in the military, gay rights, and secular public education. By contrast, liberals rarely take Muslims to account for their hostility to women, Jews, Christians, atheists, gays, and the secular state.

For the past week, Palestinian prisoner Khader Adnan, a member of the terrorist group Islamic Jihad, was a cause celebre for the international left. Adnan went on a 66-day hunger strike to protest his detention without charge by Israeli authorities; he ended his fast when an Israeli high court judge ordered his release in April if prosecutors have not charged Adnan by then. Many left-liberal commentators, including Peter Beinart, emphasized the injustice of Israeli detention policies while acknowledging that Adnan was no saint. But debatable as the Israelis’ detention of Adnan without charge may be, is it too much to ask that the media devote some measure of attention to Adnan’s activities in Islamic Jihad, his actual beliefs, and whether Adnan renounces violence against the Jewish state?

Adnan’s case – and his status as a symbol of the persecuted Palestinians – is telling. There is a decidedly illiberal strain of thought on the left holding that it is permissible to tolerate intolerance, provided that the perpetrators of intolerance are widely seen as “victims” – of Western imperialism, the Israeli occupation, capitalism, or some other such malady. This fetishization of victimhood conveniently ignores the worldviews of the alleged victims. For instance, while many Israeli policies toward Arabs are at odds with liberal democratic principles, is it not pertinent to ask whether, in a Palestinian state, Arabs would afford Jews the same rights that Arab citizens of Israel enjoy? Is it not relevant to note that in Afghanistan, where angry mobs are railing against NATO for the accidental if insensitive burning of Korans, conversion to Christianity is a capital crime? We are not discussing a clash between culturally insensitive bigots and oppressed advocates of equality and toleration. How do American liberals, with their support for abortion rights, gay marriage, and secularism, think they would fare in conservative Muslim societies?

For too long, concern about fundamentalist Islam has been monopolized by the American right. But liberals, who theoretically support social toleration and political equality, could be formidable, credible critics of extremist Islam. Paul Berman, author of The Flight of the Intellectuals, is one such critic. Many liberals may be fearful of taking on Islam for fear of appearing bigoted, or out of a desire to avoid association with Shariah alarmists like Santorum and Newt Gingrich. On this score, I can think of no better response than the concluding words of Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s Infidel. Some argue, Hirsi Ali writes, that “criticism of Islam is … too painful for Muslims to bear.” But Hirsi Ali, herself the victim of an attempted forced marriage and of the fundamentalist mindset that oppresses women in Islamic societies, asks, “Tell me, how much more painful is it to be these women, trapped in that cage?”

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When the Right Embraced Saul Alinsky

By Luke Brinker

Now that Newt Gingrich has won the South Carolina primary, we’re sure to hear about President Barack Obama’s “Saul Alinsky radicalism” for at least a few more weeks. Gingrich is fond of connecting Obama to the Chicago social activist, whose ideas about political organizing and mobilization informed Obama’s early work in community organizing. What Gingrich fails to mention is that Alinsky, despite his leftist views, inspired many Tea Party activists, as Politico reported in 2010:

He’s long been a hero on the left, but the right’s fascination with him dates to the 2008 presidential campaign, when lots of attention was paid to Alinsky’s impact on leading Democratic contenders Hillary Clinton, who wrote her college thesis about him, and Barack Obama, who trained in — and utilized — his community organizing techniques. 

Alinsky strictly resisted political labels and affiliations, once explaining “if you think you’ve got an inside track to absolute truth, you become doctrinaire, humorless and intellectually constipated.” But conservatives began invoking his name as something of an epithet to sully the left’s tactics as sneaky, underhanded, unethical — or Marxist.

But a funny thing happened on the way to Alinsky taking a place alongside top contemporary conservative bogeymen like Michael Moore, George Soros and Jane Fonda. His seminal 1971 guide to organizing, “Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals,” became a must-read for a new wave of conservative activists who mobilized — many for the first time — in opposition to the ambitious, big-government agenda pushed by President Obama and the Democratic Congress. 

In the opening lines of “Rules,” Alinsky described its mission — and his approach — thus: “What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be. ‘The Prince’ was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. ‘Rules for Radicals’ is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away.”

Suddenly, the book was being touted as a way to beat the left at its own game by everyone from 69-year-old former House Majority Leader Dick Armey, whose nonprofit group FreedomWorks has emerged as a leading Washington bulwark for the tea party movement, to 25-year-old James O’Keefe, the self-styled activist investigative journalist who last year became a conservative hero for secretly recording employees of the liberal community-organizing group ACORN apparently offering advice on how to set up a brothel, to tea party leaders seeking to disrupt congressional town halls.  

But in the last couple months, there’s been something of a backlash on the right, both as a result of the arrest of O’Keefe and three colleagues during a botched plot to embarrass Democratic Sen. Mary Landrieu, and because some conservatives are questioning whether Alinsky’s ideas and tactics — and, to some extent, the tea party movement as a whole — are intellectually consistent with American conservatism. 

….
Employees of Armey’s FreedomWorks group have been studying and using Alinsky’s methods — including those in his often overlooked precursor to “Rules,” the 1946 “Reveille for Radicals” — since before he got hot, as an alternative to traditional conservative organizational tactics that focused on influencing elites and intellectuals. And FreedomWorks’ organizers utilized and spread the Alinsky gospel as they traveled the country last year helping newly engaged tea party activists set up their own groups. 

“I put together a PowerPoint on grass-roots organizing and the favorite part for a lot of these organizers was how this leftist community organizer Saul Alinsky was so effective and how we can use his tactics against the left,” said FreedomWorks’ top organizer, Brendan Steinhauser. 

“You become a better organizer when you understand that there is nothing new under the sun,” Steinhauser said of his appreciation of Alinsky. “All the pitfalls, the problems, the disputes — this is the way human beings are. Politics is a human science and this guy understood that. He was practical. He understood how to get competing factions and interests and individuals to get in the same room and form what he called a ‘peoples’ organization’ and to move in the same direction to take on city hall.” 

Of course, when Democrats use Alinsky’s methods, that means they accept his worldview lock, stock, and barrel. When Tea Party types do it, they’re saving America from Nobama’s tyranny.

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Liberals, Ron Paul, and Science

By Luke Brinker

Ron Paul-friendly liberals have long mystified me. His bigoted newsletters display contemptible racial animosity, homophobia, and conspiracy-mongering. While he opposes American military adventurism, his foreign policy is anything but left of center. Paul may oppose the War on Drugs, the Patriot Act, and the military detention of American citizens, but is  a supporter of a Mississippi-style personhood amendment, an opponent of virtually every aspect of the social safety net, and a committed gold bug really a candidate liberals should admire, much less support?

Chris Hayes took to Twitter today to make a valuable contribution to the debate over the relationship between Paul and the left. “Since @ggreenwald on Ron Paul has stirred up an interesting debate about progressive priorities & allies, lemme offer a provocation,” Hayes tweeted. He followed up with, “I am stunned by how low on the list of priorities global warming is for most progressives.To me it’s the most important issue by quite a bit.” Hayes raises an important point I neglected to mention in my Paul-related posts last week. Paul emphatically denies the scientific consensus on climate change. And it isn’t only on global warming that Paul displays a decidedly illiberal attitude toward science. He may be an M.D., but Paul refuses to accept the theory of evolution. As Michelle Goldberg reports, the Texas congressman is deeply tied to far-right Christian groups, which helps explain his anti-science views. If Michele Bachmann’s science-phobic, religious fundamentalist views made her a liberal laughingstock, why should Paul’s denial of global warming and evolution not disqualify him from serious consideration, as well?

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Reaction to Lie of the Year

By John Stang

Every year the nonpartisan, Pulitzer Prize winning fact-checking website Politifact chooses a “Lie of the Year.”  Politifacts purpose is to check how accurate political statements are and rate its accuracy.  The 2009 Lie of the Year was “Death Panels” and the 2010 Lie of the Year was “Government Takeover of Healthcare.”  Both of those were mischaracterizations of President Obama’s healthcare plan by the right, especially Fox News.  This year, Politifact selected “Republicans Voted to End Medicare” as the 2011 Lie of the Year.  Bill Adair, the editor of Politifact explained his reasoning on the Early Show:

 ”This was a claim we heard over and over again after the House voted in April on a budget by (Rep. Paul Ryan (R, Wis.). It’s just not true,” Adair said. “The way they say it, they say the House voted to end Medicare. That’s not what they did. The House voted to protect Medicare on people who are 55 or older, but to privatize it and restructure it in a dramatic way for people who are younger. It’s wrong to say ‘end Medicare’ and it’s the classic scare tactic we’ve seen targeting the elderly for many years.”

Needless to say, the left is not too happy about this.  New York Times Nobel Prize winning economist and columnist Paul Krugman wrote:

How is this not an end to Medicare? And given all the actual, indisputable lies out there, how on earth could saying that it is be the “Lie of the year”? The answer is, of course, obvious: the people at Politifact are terrified of being considered partisan if they acknowledge the clear fact that there’s a lot more lying on one side of the political divide than on the other. So they’ve bent over backwards to appear “balanced” — and in the process made themselves useless and irrelevant.

On its merits, two voices of the left have come out to criticize the decision.  Steve Benen at the Washington Monthly says:

It seems foolish to have to parse the meaning of the word “end,” but if there’s a program, and it’s replaced with a different program, proponents brought an end to the original program. That’s what the verb means. I’ve been trying to think of the best analogy for this. How about this one: imagine someone owns a Ferrari. It’s expensive and drives beautifully, and the owner desperately wants to keep his car intact. Now imagine I took the car away, removed the metallic badge off the trunk that says “Ferrari,” I stuck it on a golf cart, and I handed the owner the keys.

Matt Yglesias at Slate notes:

The entire argument hinges on point two. House Republicans voted to replace Medicare’s existing single payer fee for service program with a different program, also called “Medicare,” under which (in the words of Politifact) retirees “would receive ‘premium support payments’ from the government to help pay for the private insurance.” Whether or not this change should be described with “harsh” terms is clearly a matter of ethical judgment. But it’s obviously a big change. Mitt Romney, for example, lauded the plan as reflecting “the need to fundamentally transform Medicare.” If friends of the plan describe it as fundamentally transforming the program, can it really be wildly illegitimate for its foes to describe it as ending Medicare? That doesn’t make sense to me. According to Mitt Romney, we’re fundamentally transforming Medicare. According to the DCCC we’re ending Medicare and replacing it with a fundamentally different program. This is a hair-splitting disagreement, not a gaping void of factual error and deliberate deception. The philosophy major in me will happily grant that Saul Kripke would agree with them, but I think their take on this (like Saul Kripke’s philosophy of language) flies in the face of common sense. Sensible people, following Wittgenstein, will hold that “Medicare” is a cluster concept and that whether or not a given transformation of the program is so fundamental as to constitute “ending” it is precisely what needs to be contested in the public arena.

In the end, it all comes down to semantics, whether or not the word transform means that Medicare will be ended.  Although, as Greg Sargent of the Washington Post Plum Line blog tweeted:

Obviously, all the lefty criticism of @PolitiFact‘s Lie of the Year only proves how unimpeachably nonpartisan it is

I want to know what you think.  Is Politifact correct in giving “Lie of the Year” to “Republicans voted to end Medicare?”

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